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Hindu Community Needs New Leadership

This regime is going down the path of Vajpayee whom, the pollsters' forecasts notwithstanding, the Hindu lot had turned away from in 2004

The remarks of RSS Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat, following the apathetic response of the Narendra Modi government to the lynching of Hindus of West Bengal in the hands of hoodlums of the Trinamool Congress spearheaded by Muslims, are a stark reminder to the community that is still mercifully the majority in India that it needs new leadership, preferably of individuals and organisations that will not be affected by political compulsions in the foreseeable future. Bhagwat was speaking at a function hosted by the Sangh’s incorrigible Muslim lover Indresh Kumar — once ironically accused of an act of terror against Muslims — who has notoriously been on record referring to Bhagawan Rama as “Imam-e-Hind”, a coinage of (Allama) Muhammad Iqbal, whose forefathers were converted Kashmiri Pandits and who is infamous in independent, truncated India as one of the leading advocates of Pakistan. In fact, it would be unfair to pin the blame on Indresh Kumar as Bhagwat had himself endorsed the Islamic appellation of the revered Hindu god on another occasion. To add insult to injury today, the RSS chief waxed eloquent on incidents of lynching in the country, albeit with a disclaimer that “some” of the cases were false. He maintained a deafening silence on numerous, real cases of murders of Hindu men, women and children in the hands of Muslims across the country as he has been quiet so far also on rampant love jihad. Whereas the Sangh would love to see a caste-free Hindu nation, or so people once believed, even the lynching of Dalits by Muslims is too politically incorrect for either the sarsanghchalak or the prime minister to raise as issues, never mind that the Scheduled Castes make a formidable vote bank.

If the RSS and BJP leaderships believe they would win over the Muslim population, a feat no non-Islamic regime anywhere in the world has been able to pull off, Bhagwat and Modi are then as foolhardy as who had presumed a ludicrous “himayat (advocacy) committee” full of Muslim faces would see him through the 2004 election. And if such public posturing is to take the international woke agencies, media, governments and the leftist Peace Prize Committee for a ride, the hostile narrative about this Indian government in Western journals do not suggest the idea is even remotely working. Of course, India or any government in the sovereign is not what Hindutva proponents would wish it to be, but then, there is the choice of not opening one’s mouth when the only other option is sounding awfully detached to the greater reality that Ghazwa-e-Hind will not cease till India remains Dar al-Harb.

That said, any replacement of the 1925-established RSS and their political front BJP is unthinkable at the moment for the sheer timespan for which they have sustained, grown and spawned across the country. But the TINA factor rather than working to the Hindu advantage is working against the cause of the community not only by way of preposterous assertions from the leaders of these organisations but also in their callous regard for freeing the Hindu places of worship or standing up for the preservation of the ancient heritage once they are in power. Having studied this pattern of back-stabbing, it is unlikely the Telugu people will trust them to replace the dispensation of the Christian Jagan Mohan Reddy in Andhra Pradesh, now in a spree of destruction of Hindu structures across the state, no matter how much BJP’s man in charge there, Sunil Deodhar, cries murder. This was why the party’s Hindutva was in doubt even during their half-witted campaign in West Bengal, which Mamata Banerjee demolished with a clever volte-face, pampering Hindus with as much gusto for a month as she had been complicit in the crimes committed by Muslims for full five years before that. This is again why the BJP can never win Telangana or Odisha, where K Chandrashekar Rao and Naveen Patnaik respectively have greater Hindu credentials. Even a wily Kamal Nath had toppled the upper-caste-averse Shivraj Singh Chouhan government with a few token promises on the lines of Hindutva. The Damocles’ sword hanging over the party ruling in New Delhi is but Uttar Pradesh where city and town administrations have been on a demolition drive, turning ancient and mediaeval temples to rubble, not sparing the shrines of even the holiest Kashi. Finally, the portents of 2024 look grim for the party, as even its core support base, which will never vote for communists, the INC or any pro-Muslim coalition, might refuse to turn up at the booths as they had done at a time when all pollsters had announced that Vajpayee’s retention of power was a foregone conclusion. However, while a projection of an electoral nightmare could be the only language that the Sangh Parivar understands, both its staying in power and losing it make the future of the Hindu bleak in his own country.

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