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HomeBiologyHealthAbortion in US: Circumstances that led to Roe vs Wade case

Abortion in US: Circumstances that led to Roe vs Wade case

As the Supreme Court of the US hears the Roe versus Wade case on abortion, a look at the tough MTP rules in a society believed to be modern

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The big case Roe versus Wade before the Supreme Court of the US follows a successful, decades-long whisper campaign by those running pro- and anti-abortion movements in the country. Since the 1973 decision, which gave couples in general and women in particular the right to abortion, activists and their associates in statehouses across the US enacted more than 1,300 laws. But this has only seen the procedure to obtain the legal ascent to medical termination of pregnancy turn more cumbersome.

Five states of the US have only one clinic in their territories. In large parts of the country, women needing to abort foetuses travel miles to obtain the ascent. Furthermore, some states impose limits like waiting periods, parental consent requirements, advice mandates and restrictions on the specific types of procedures offered.

States enacted about 580 such restrictions just in the period 2011-21, says the reproductive rights think tank Guttmacher Institute. These restrictions add on one another. Particularly in states in the south and midwest, abortion patients face not one or two but several separate obstacles to obtaining the procedure.

In Kansas, for example, a patient must wait for 24 h after her initial appointment to get an abortion. She has to receive information about the procedure that is medically inaccurate and misleading. If she happens to be minor, she must get consent from both her parents; and she cannot use private insurance or — in most cases — public funding to pay for the procedure.

“You’re told that you can’t actually act on your decision until you jump through all the hoops that the where you live has put out in front of you,” said Elisabeth Smith, the of state policy and advocacy at the Center for Reproductive Rights. “That is all that is all meant to make the person seeking abortion care feel the stigma that anti-abortion folks believe it is true.”

This incremental approach to limiting access is altogether a strategy of policy, politics and law. By concentrating on laws that chip away at the availability of the procedure, anti-abortion activists have secured key court decisions that uphold those laws that have helped inch the Supreme Court closer to rethink Roe versus Wade while keeping the issue in the national conversation.

“The way to deal with Roe versus Wade was to understand that, if we were going to change it, we had to — in the interim — operate under it, but challenge it, or at least save lives in the meantime, with provisions that would limit abortion,” James Bopp, the longtime general counsel of the National Right to Life Committee, told CNN.

Sometimes states made laws reacting to verdicts that led to more restrictions, according to Katie Glenn, the government affairs counsel for the anti-abortion group Americans United for Life. “Or, it’s pushing the boundaries,” Glenn said. “It’s like: here’s the policy we want in our state, let’s go ahead and pass it. Let’s see what we can do in the court.”

Meanwhile, abortion remains extremely difficult to access for some women, regardless of whether the Supreme Court upholds, reverses or waters down Roe in the case, concerning Mississippi’s 15-week ban, being heard in December.

Targeting abortion clinics with regulations that make them tough to keep open

Abortion providers in nearly two-dozen states, per Guttmacher, face licensing mandates and other requirements that set them apart from facilities that offer comparable medical procedures.

Abortion rights advocates blame these and other restrictions for how the number of clinics in certain states continues to shrink.

Somewhat like the rules for obtaining the licence to run a school in India, states have mandates around hallway or room size or a clinic’s distance to a hospital. Twelve of the states rule that clinics have a special relationship with a local hospital, according to the think tank. Such requirements make it more expensive to operate clinics, especially when their facilities do not already meet the mandates and more difficult to staff with physicians who have the required licenses.

Texas saw the number of clinics in its cut in half over the last decade while a clinic regulation law was challenged in a court. Louisiana had 11 clinics several decades ago, but by 2011, the number shrank to just three.

These numbers would be an even greater cause for concern if the Supreme Court had not ruled in favour of providers that challenged certain clinic regulation laws — known as Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers, or TRAP, laws — passed in those states in recent years, which would have left Texas, the country’s second-most populous state, with fewer than 10 providers. All but one clinic in Louisiana would have shut down.

Glenn, whose interest group supported the series of bills, denied that the goal was to close clinics, and said they were passed “for safety reasons” for the patients’ health.

Nevertheless, as clinics have shut down, available care has been condensed to urban areas.

The distances can be too much for women who cannot afford the travel expenses, child care and the time off work required to make the trip. According to one 2019 study, nearly “one-fifth of US abortion patients travelled more than 50 miles one-way and the most common reason reported for clinic choice was that it was the closest”.

“For folks that are in rural communities, access is just really difficult because of the travel,” said Tamya Cox-Touré, co-chair of the Oklahoma Call for Reproductive Justice, which helps women navigate seeking the procedure.

Additional hurdles once patients seeking abortion make it to their provider

Getting to the clinic is often only the first step. About 25 states have in effect waiting periods ranging from 18 to 72 h, which compound the time and travel cost US citizens must expend to obtain the procedure.

South Dakota’s rule is the most extreme. It excludes weekends and holidays from the waiting period count, implying that if a woman turns up on a Friday to get the procedure, she will not be able to get it until the following Wednesday.

These requirements — and particularly those in states that require women to see the same physicians for their first and second visits — complicate operations for clinics too, by hamstringing staff time and scheduling.

Minors face an additional hurdle in the 38 states that require parental involvement in the decision, either with a notice or a consent requirement; in three states, both parents must give their consent, according to Guttmacher.

While the vast majority of those states offer a judicial bypass for minors who do not want their parents’ involvement, that court process can be time-consuming, and in some states, a judge’s permission is only granted under certain circumstances.

The hurdles are not just ones of cost and time, but of emotion, as several states require that providers tell abortion-seekers certain things about the procedure that is not necessarily true or accurate.

In five US states, hospitals tell patients falsely that the procedure increases the risk of breast cancer while eight states require that recipients of a medication abortion be told inaccurately that the procedure can be reversed midway through.

“It’s a testament to how much people want and need abortion that they still go through with it, after everything that the is requiring them to hear,” said David Cohen, a professor at the Drexel Kline School of Law and co- of the book “Obstacle Course: The Everyday Struggle to Get an Abortion in America.”

Restrictions on the types of procedures

Since Roe versus Wade, most federal courts have been sceptical of laws that ban abortion before viability. But other restrictions that target abortion based on the type of procedure offered have been broadly successful in limiting women’s options based on where they are in their pregnancies.

Several states have sought to ban an abortion procedure known as D&E, or “dilation and evacuation,” the method most commonly used for women in their second trimester. Texas’ ban was recently upheld by a federal appeals court.

Medication abortion — in which patients terminate their pregnancies by use of pills — have also become a target of legislators in places like Texas, which recently enacted a law threatening felony punishment for physicians who provide medication abortion pills without meeting the state’s informed consent requirements. Nineteen states effectively outlaw the use of telemedicine in the administration of medication abortion.

The laws, outside their practical effects, also carry a political impact.

“The procedure bans are a way that anti-abortion folks can try to define abortion care and define this medical procedure … in a way that makes people oppose to it,” Smith, of the Center for Reproductive Rights said, pointing to how anti-abortion activists have rebranded medication abortion as “chemical abortion.”

As anti-abortion activists see it, these types of laws let them highlight “the extremity of the pro-choice position, and possibly of Roe versus Wade itself,” Bopp told CNN.

Financial constraints

Then there is the question of how abortion patients are going to pay for the procedure. Given that seekers of the procedure tend to be lower-income or poor, they are hit especially hard by policies of the federal government and nearly three-dozen states that limit the use of Medicaid to pay for abortion.

Glenn, of Americans United for Life, pointed to polls supporting limits on public abortion funding, and said that “nobody should feel like they should have an abortion because of a financial decision related to government benefits.”

About a dozen states put limits on the coverage of abortion by private insurance plans.

The time women spend saving money has knock-on effects. It might take so long that they get too far in their pregnancies to receive less invasive types of procedures, like medication abortions. In some states, the gestational limit might pass.

“When a person is living in a like Texas where there are a lot of abortion bans and restrictions that work together, prohibiting coverage is one thing that can push abortion, out of reach for someone,” Smith said. “Abortion is time-sensitive medical care, so if you do not have the funds to pay for it out of pocket. You are having to figure out how to pay for it.”

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